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from Benet Davetian, The History and Social Relevance
of Civility (c-2003)
Il Cortegiano Balancing Courtesy
and Integrity
The tensions between the crudity of political life in an
increasingly commercial network of social relations and the ideal of esthetic
excellence is noticeable in the content and tone of one of the seminal
courtesy books of the Renaissance: The Book of the Courtier (Il Cortegiano)
[1529], tr. Sir Thomas Hoby, 1974). Although medieval values of 'chivalry'
had become nearly obsolete in the new urban economic climate, Baldasar
Castiglione managed to revive the ideal of chivalric honor and style within
the context of his times.
The Book of the Courtier became one of the Renaissance's most widely-read
books and managed to leave an indelible imprint on the European aristocracies,
including those of France and Britain. Although very briefly mentioned
in Norbert Elias' Civilizing Process, The Book of the Courtier is one
of the most important milestones in the development of a Western courtesy
and civility tradition and deserves a fairly detailed description.
Castiglione himself was a courtier born to the rank of count and educated
in the humanist schools of Milan and Mantua. He traveled to England and
Spain as an emissary and acted as Pope Clement III's representative at
the court of Emperor Charles V. His book was the outcome of ten years
of experience as a courtier in the court of the Montefeltro family in
Urbino. Castiglione was not only writing about the ideal courtier but
also about his own fond recollections of life in the idyllic court of
Guidobaldo Montefeltro, son of Federigo di Montefeltro, Duke of Urbino.
Federigo was known as a man of intense principles, even during his most
brutal military campaigns. Presiding over a household of 500 people, he
managed to create an environment in which modesty and honesty were considered
cardinal virtues. He is reported to have never accepted the easy way out
for himself and even refused a Church indulgence secured for him by a
wellwisher, preferring instead to fast as prescribed with the members
of his household. On matters of money he was repeatedly quoted as admonishing
that a man's word was far more important than his wealth. In regards to
learning he was very demanding of himself and his library contained all
the books necessary for an orderly acquisition of learning. In matters
of art, he was not only a patron but also an expert---he had a master's
knowledge of sculpture and was adept at communicating with painters and
bringing out the best in them. As the paternalistic administrator-ruler
of Urbino, he was intensely respected, to the point of reverence; men
and women were known to kneel when he passed in the streets, an honor
which was not automatically accorded to the nobility. He made Urbino one
of the most vital courts in Italy. His son continued his father's tradition;
with his wife, Elisabetta Gonzaga, he provided Castiglione with an ideal
court as the setting for his book on the art of courtly behavior.
Castiglione was writing at a time when gunpowder was decreasing the influence
of the old nobility and replacing its political and moral voice with the
absolutism of central monarchies. So there is a wistful, ironic tone to
the work. It is not only a book of conduct but a book of autobiographical
remembrance of Italy prior to the destabilizing invasion of the French
(Burke, 1995: 34-35).
The Book of the Courtier is an excellent example of ideal discourse between
men and women of honor. As impressive as the content of the dialogs is
the fact that the speakers have found a pleasant and fair way of relating
to one another. The tone of the work, is in itself an important part of
the author's message to the reader who is given a double opportunity---to
see courtiers in pleasant and meaningful discourse with one another and
to hear each of them speak of the personal qualities necessary to the
ideal courtier. There is something original here. Ideal mannerisms are
not denied, but added to them now is the ideal of an opinionated and intelligent
conversation that is not at all limited by ecclesiastical dogma or the
artifice of aristocratic pretension.
One theme appears repeatedly in the four books of The Book of the Courtier:
the theme of 'honor.' Virtue and honor are no longer a duty to God, but
a responsibility towards one's own self as well as the self of others.
The prescriptive quality of medieval religious devotion is transformed
into a self-regulated ethic. This double loyalty to self and others is
noticeable in the manner in which the participants in the book take great
pains not to appear pedantic or to insult one another with assertions
that are emotionally forceful. There is an effort to harmonize opposing
motivations: duty towards the community of court and the need to be true
to one's self. The book was an important milestone in the rationalization
of individuality and in the personalizing (as opposed to theologizing)
of virtue.
The book consists of dialogues between guests at the court of Urbino held
over a period of four evenings during the frequent presence of the Duchess
of Urbino. The dialogues begin when one of the guests suggests that, to
pass the time in some meaningful way, they the guests converse with one
another and arrive at a consensus regarding what is meant by an 'ideal
courtier.'
Castiglione's treatment of courtesy differs considerably from that of
his predecessors. Neither brute force nor the mixing of force and piety
favored by the medieval romances is sufficient for the making of a courtier.
Considerably more is required, The ideal courtier is to blend the graceful
and the sec manner as to become an unassuming, courageous individual committed
to justice, truth, and wise counsel, yet never given to boasting about
his accomplishments or appearing greedy for rewards. Discretion and self-dismissal,
even in the presence of great personal worth and accomplishments, is the
special talent of Castiglione's courtier.
Grazia (grace) is not presented here with its religious overtones, but
as a quality tempered by gravitas (dignity), for these two qualities assure
a courtier that his speech does not seem affected or forced. The art of
personality presentation must remain unnoticeable, not because of deceitful
motives but because of the natural 'bearing' appropriate to a refined
courtier, a bearing designed not to cause offence to others. Castiglione
admonishes his courtier to
''Avoid affectation in every way possible....so as to conceal all art
and make whatever is done or said appear to be without effort and almost
without any thought about it' (Book I, 43).'
There is a strong correlation between Castiglione's preference for lack
of ostentation (sprezzatura) and the Aristotelian ideal of the golden
mean, an ideal that was the basis of Cicero's Orator, a work urging men
of proper bearing to exhibit a 'purposeful negligence' (neglegentia diligens)
in order to create the impression that ideas interested them more than
the artifice of style (Burke, 1969: 11). This studied spontaneity (all'improviso)
was also a cherished theme in Ovid who advised young men at court to cultivate
a casual look of neglect (forma viros neglecta decet) in order to exude
self-confidence.
Petrarch and Alberti had affirmed their belief in the
human will and Castiglioni furthered that belief by arguing that only
through a disciplined application of willful intent could the ideal courtier
manage to consistently speak the type of truths that would allow him to
become a trusted and useful advisor in court. The questioning of self
that appears later in the Protestant and Puritan writings is already present
here in Castiglione's work, although it is remarkably free of religious
references. Like Machiavelli, Castiglione is not speaking of the prescribed
Christian 'virtues' but of 'virtue' as a state of being. He defines men
of honor as
''...those men who, even when they think they will not be observed or
seen or recognized by anyone, show courage and are not careless of anything,
however slight, for which they could be blamed... (Book I, 33).'
What is noteworthy about Castiglione's commentary and the dialogues of
the people he quotes is his departure from writers such as Alberti who
accorded the woman status only as a mother and an efficient manager of
her household. Most certainly due to the influence of the well-bred and
cultured Duchess of Urbino, Castiglione accords men and women of court
similar responsibilities. The donna di palazzo is encouraged to share
in her husband's interests in culture and the arts; she is identified
as a gentle moderating force capable of bringing harmony and a pleasant
disposition to the ambiance of the court. As a tempering force in the
court she is to be without equal, as seemed to be the Duchess Elisabetta
Gonzaga who occasionally steps in and very gently calms discussions that
are becoming heated. That the book received an enthusiastic welcome in
European courts where women were increasingly holding influence is quite
understandable.
While Castigliano did not sanction the despotic regimes that had sprung
up in Italy, he did favor a monarchical system that would limit greed
and administer policy through democratic assemblies. He was a pragmatist
for he was not overly disturbed by the presence of vice in the courts.
He explains that virtue could not exist without vice, nor justice without
injustice, and considered the truly competent courtier as a stabilizing
force: 'I hold that the principal and true profession of the Courtier
must be that of arms; which I wish him to exercise with vigor; and let
him be known among the others as bold, energetic, and faithful to whomever
he serves (Book I, 32)....Let the man we are seeking be exceedingly fierce,
harsh, and always among the first, wherever the enemy is; and in every
other place, humane, modest, reserved, avoiding ostentation above all
things as well as that impudent praise of himself by which a man always
arouses hatred and disgust in all who hear him (33-34).'
Yet, he qualifies this military competence by adding that learning is
the pre-requisite of gentility: ''...to separate thoughts from words is
to separate soul from body: in neither case can it be done without destruction....what
one has to say and write must be given a good order. It must then be well
expressed in words, which words (if I am not mistaken) must be proper,
select, lustrous, and well formed, but above all be words which are still
used by the people (54).' In any case, any learning possessed by the courtier
must be expressed in an appropriate manner if it is to have any worthwhile
effect: 'But all this would be empty and of little moment if the thoughts
expressed by the words were not fine, witty, acute, elegant, and solemn,
according to the need' (55).'
Castiglione offers no specific rules for the development of such wit.
Instead, he asserts that wit is the property of an intelligent mind and
the outcome of discipline and commitment: 'Thus, good usage in speech,
as I believe, springs from men who have talent, and who through learning
and experience have attained good judgment, and who thereby agree among
themselves and consent to adopt those words which to them seem good (58).'
In Castiglione's ideal court, the courtier creates his self in conjunction
with others and is, therefore, subject to the influence of the behavior
of others. Even witty dialogue is a means by which the courtier can read
the personality of others while developing his own persona (Book II, 172-175).
Despite such imitative learning, he must always proceed from some inner
standard that protects him from being forced to act against his own conscience
and self-interest. In effect, Castiglione is speaking of a 'quiet' confidence
that needs not prove itself in every case.
Castiglione is describing a new standard for courtly life: in addition
to the respect and deference shown by courtiers towards their prince,
all members of the court must show a similar mutual deference towards
one another. He does not hold the ruler free from such a requirement:
'...among the many faults that we see in many of our princes nowadays,
the greatest are ignorance and self-conceit....' (Book IV, 290). Castiglione
seems not to be speaking against monarchy itself, but against the monarch
whose rashness makes him unworthy of his position (303). As for the role
of the courtier in court, it is an infinitely delicate one. He is to be
effortlessly discreet and affable but must consciously ensure that the
ruler does not make decisions opposed to the welfare of the realm: 'You
ought to obey your lord in all things profitable and honorable for him,
not in those that will bring him harm and shame' (Book II, 117). However,
any opposition that the courtier registers towards the ruler must be done
so with utmost tact: '...when he [the courtier] sees the mind of his prince
inclined to a wrong action, he may dare to oppose him and in a gentle
manner avail himself of the favor acquired by his good accomplishments,
so as to dissuade him of every evil intent and bring him to the path of
virtue (Book IV, 289).'
As for the courtier's family pedigree, it is best that he come from a
noble family, mainly because someone of common rank may not be sufficiently
motivated to develop the many qualities required of a competent courtier:
'...the lowly born, they lack that spur, as well as that fear of dishonor,
nor do they think themselves obliged to go beyond what was done by their
forebears; whereas to the wellborn it seems a reproach not to attain at
least to the mark set them by their ancestors (Book I, 28).
It is noteworthy that the Church is almost never mentioned in the entire
text of The Book of the Courtier. When the publisher's censor examined
the book, he removed the word fortuna (fortune or luck) because of its
secular undertones and replaced it with the word 'God.' But with this
small exceptionn, there is a remarkable degree of 'self-determination'
in Castiglione's text. Although he encourages the individual to learn
from a master, he qualifies the master as someone of deservedly superior
knowledge rather than someone who speaks in the name of authority.
The relevance of the work is best appreciated if we remember
that Renaissance Italy was intensely involved in a dialogue between extremes.
In art, for example, there was a tension between naturalism and idealism,
order versus grace, and opulence versus simplicity. What distinguished
the personages who appeared in Castiglione's work was their ability to
understand the qualities of each extreme and their willingness to build
a composite of an ideal courtier able to avoid excesses while being refined,
discerning and influential. This avoidance of extreme positions helped
the courtier deal with a variety of princely characters. He was able to
remain unwavering when faced with two totally different rulers: one who
only wished compliments, and another so arrogant and haughty that he wished
neither compliments nor advice. The courtier was admonished not to forget
his real task: to guide the undecided prince towards firm and realistic
government while encouraging the inflexible ruler to adopt a just and
dialogical relationship with his subjects. Castiglione's courtier was,
therefore, not only a servant of the state, but a prime mover capable
of influencing the course of history.
Repeatedly, the notions of 'discipline' and 'honor' come up in the various
passages of the book. Honor is presented not as unquestioning loyalty
towards a lord or church, but as a 'sensible' attitude held by the courtier
towards himself. 'Discipline' is not force over others, but a tempering
influence on self. Here we have the emergence of an individuality that
is quite different from the 'all for one' mentality of the Arthurian legends.
The ideal Renaissance courtier recognizes that he is bound by codes of
deference towards whomever he is serving; yet, at the same time, he remains
loyal to his own sense of right and wrong, and, must, consequently, respect
his own values during his interactions with his equals and superiors.
Peter Burke, who has written a seminal book on the reception received
by The Book of the Courtier, has discussed the ambiguity of the work and
the positive manner in which it was received in Italy and abroad precisely
because of its ambiguity (Burke, 1995). Burke explains that Castiglioni
tried to show someone to act gracefully, something that is nearly impossible
to teach through the dispensation of a few rules; he conveyed the sentiment
of grace through the manner in which he organized the content and tone
of the dialogues of his characters. And he managed to write in a tone
that would not offend those at court who presumed to already know what
he was teaching---the playful tone of the book kept it from sounding like
a patronizing tome (1995: 32). It also softened the underlying purpose
of the book: to promote a model of rational and intellectual debate that
was considerably different from medieval discourse.
Castiglione's book was widely welcomed and found its way into most European
courts. It achieved such success because it presented a composite of a
courtier that could be adapted to the particular court systems of different
European monarchies. Not only was the book a treatise on the behavior
of an ideal courtier, but, just as importantly, it was a meditation on
the meaning of a graceful life. It was this idealization of 'grace' (grazià)
and unaffected self-confidence that attracted members of the noble class
who began using the book as a behavioral guide.
Unlike Capellanus, who wrote of a very distinct personality suited to
a theologically-bound knightly culture, Castiglione managed to write a
work which was in many ways universal and not limited to a particular
epoch or region. In effect, he managed to build a bridge between the world
of humanism and the world of courtly intrigue, finding some meeting point
that could turn the process of membership in court elites into a morally
and aesthetically satisfying one despite the rampant injustices of absolute
monarchies. A series of works in Spain, Poland, Portugal and France imitated
the format of The Book of the Courtier; the themes of honorable behavior
and a studied natural demeanor appeared frequently in the courtesy literature
that followed Castiglione's work. By 1625, there were more than 900 courtesy
works published in Europe and more than 800 directed at women on the subject
of the ideal Renaissance lady (Kelso, 1929).
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